独生子女政策:朋友还是敌人?

Since we are approaching finals, in the spirit of education, I thought I would share a paper I wrote on the One Child Policy for my History of Modern 中国 class last semester. Since I go to GW, the king of “现实世界的实用性” and politics, we were told to write a policy brief on a current issue in 中国, using historical background to argue a policy position. Living in 北京 for a semester and traveling to the two other most populous cities in 中国, I find the One Child Policy very intriguing. I have seen the population issue, or “仁口 温蒂” as they say in 中国, first hand. The large population causes many issues, however, the One Child Policy has also caused issues in and of itself. Some I had learned about before entering 中国 (the 人口老龄化 and lack of girls), and others were a complete surprise to me (bride trafficking). Please keep in mind that this brief does not completely represent my own personal opinion; I am merely arguing a stance on the issue and providing a possible solution.

以下政策简报致美国决策者,以告知他们“独生子女政策”的严重后果,并敦促他们与中国政府官员合作放松“独生子女政策”,同时努力为老年人建立社会保障基金代。 

中国独生子女政策简介

One of the most controversial government policies to date, 中国’一个孩子的政策导致了主要的人口挑战和广泛的人权问题。为了发展中国人“质量而不是数量”, the Chinese Communist Party has created many serious problems such as human trafficking, the largest gender distribution gap in the world, and a lack of funds to aid the retiring population. Because of this, it is pertinent to the stability of 中国 and the future global economy that the Chinese Communist Party loosen their restrictions on the One Child Policy, and begin to work towards creating a Social Security system.

The One Child Policy, implemented by Deng Xiaoping in 1979, is not the first attempt 中国 has made to control its ballooning population. Between 1970 and 1979, Mao Zedong’s “late, long, few” policy, which called for later childbearing, greater spacing between children, and fewer children, had already resulted in a halving of the total fertility rate, from 5.9 to 2.9 births per woman. However, Deng Xiaoping, worried that this voluntary initiative was not strong enough to reverse population trends, developed the One Child Policy. Two years after the implementation of the policy, 中国’的出生率降至每名妇女2.3胎。邓小平’执行该政策的理由是要建立一个“质量而不是数量”,强调父母应该将自己的资源投资到一个孩子上,从而建立一个受过良好教育,健康,勤奋的人们的社会。

尽管世界上许多人都将“独生子女政策”视为严格的独生子女法则,但许多家庭还是可以生育多个孩子。如果第一个孩子有残障,或者父母双方都是独生子女,则夫妻可以育有两个孩子。在许多农村地区,如果第一个孩子是女孩,则允许家庭“try again for a son”。此外,为保护中国的族裔群体和文化多样性,许多少数民族被分配了两个甚至三个孩子。大约70%的中国人生活在农村,这意味着数百万个家庭可以生育一个以上的孩子。最后,在中国的许多地区,富裕的家庭可以通过缴纳沉重的税款来生育多个孩子。独生子女政策有许多具体的好处,如果该政策得以实施,Richard Jackson的作者“中国的维度’s Aging Challenge”预测印度将超越世界’2020年人口最多的国家和中国’的人口将在2030年达到顶峰(10)。因此,重要的是不要完全取消该政策。但是,这些变化在履行政府职责的同时’减少人口的目标产生了许多其他严重问题,这些问题只有通过调整独生子女政策才能解决。

随着“独生子女政策”的实施,生子的愿望变得越来越重要。自公元前500年孔子时代起,通过延续家族来尊重祖先是男人’的基本义务,并被视为偿还其祖先。中国’传统的父系血统可以确保只有男性才能通过家庭。因此,从出生之初起,女儿就通常被视为局外人,因为一旦嫁给丈夫,她就不会给家庭带来经济价值。’的家庭。即使与毛泽东’s popular slogan “妇女举起半边天”传统性别观念仍然是中国社会的重要组成部分,尤其是在农村地区。目前,在城市中,女儿们已经开始向父母提供支持,但是在农村,传统的立场是这样。因此,对于中国农村家庭来说,重要的是要生一个儿子,这不仅是出于血统目的,也是为了社会保障。在中国农村,儿子拥有一生的安全保障。他们将在田间工作,抚养父母并维持家庭关系。但是,女性将结婚,不会继续抚养父母。在没有具体社会保障制度的国家,没有儿子的家庭面临严重的问题。

为了解决这个问题,中国政府允许许多农村居民“try again for a boy”如果第一个孩子是女孩。女婴出生后,如果第二次怀孕也导致了女性,那么这种怀孕通常“disappears,”允许这对夫妇再次尝试生一个儿子。尽管该城市很容易适应“独生子女政策”,但农村地区对儿子的继续偏爱使实施工作变得困难,并导致性别比例复杂化。在《全国计划生育和生殖健康调查》中,富裕的江苏省有75%的受访者对自己的一个孩子感到满意,而不论性别如何;而在贫困的云南省,有55%的受访者对一个男孩感到满意,但只有30%的受访者对此感到满意一个女童(Hesketh等)。儒家长期以来对男性优先于女性的偏爱导致了中国社会许多方面的彻底瓦解。

选择性流产,收养,杀婴和计划生育已导致中国的性别比严重扭曲。在工业化国家中,出生时的性别比(定义为男性活产与女性活产的比例)在1.03至1.07之间。自“一个孩子的政策”开始实施以来,报告的性别比例一直在稳步增长,从1979年的1.06上升到2001年的1.17(Hesketh等)。在毛泽东时期’时代,老年人通过政府得到了政府的支持。“Iron Rice bowl”,一种政府政策,为在政府行业或农业公社工作的所有公民提供社会保障,工作保护和福利。随着铁饭碗的解散和“独生子女政策”的实施,中国家庭被迫恢复到传统的家庭抚养方式,从而导致了对儿子的偏爱。欧洲,美洲和中东的大多数国家都认为“normal”性别比在1.03至1.07之间;但是,目前中国的性别比例是世界上比例最高的。超声检查后的选择性流产在女性出生率急剧下降中占很大比例;但是,由于性别选择堕胎在技术上是非法的,因此无法获得实际数字。

Many missing females simply go unreported, living with relatives or abandoned at orphanages. While these females are present in society, many do not survive to adulthood. Ninety five percent of children in Chinese orphanages are healthy girls, however, due to neglect, starvation and exposure, most will die in the orphanage as an infant or child. For example, an orphanage in Nanning, Guanxi reports that ninety percent of the fifty to sixty female infants that arrive on a monthly basis will die in the orphanage (Skalla, 347). While infanticide in 中国 is illegal, neglectful orphanages are an institutionalized way of ridding 中国 of its unwanted female population.

一个主要问题源于“missing girls”现象是年轻人缺乏新娘。到2020年,将有3000万无法找到配偶的人(杰克逊,14岁)。这在中国儒家传统家庭结构中引起了许多基本问题。这些人没有结婚能力,无法继承祖先的血统,就会给祖先带来极大的冒犯,并在他们的家庭和社区中成为耻辱。许多人担心“army of bachelors”无法参加婚姻和家庭的传统习俗,可能会引起政治动荡。尼科尔·斯卡拉(Nicole Skalla)说,“China’独生子女政策:非法儿童与计划生育法”,年龄在24至35岁之间的未婚男子谋杀同年龄男人的可能性是三倍(351)。在一个不仅期望而且需要婚姻的社会中,由于没有能力结婚和建立家庭而引起的侵略无疑将引发针对该政策甚至政府本身的政治动荡。

To solve the issue of missing women, 中国 has developed a new system of underground bride trafficking. Hundreds of thousands of women have been abducted from their homes to be sold as brides to paying husbands. Many women even go voluntarily for the promise of a better life, but then are unable to reject a match once the money has exchanged hands. The lack of women has also resulted in increased numbers of commercial sex workers, with a potential resultant rise in human immunodeficiency virus infection (HIV) and other sexually transmitted diseases.

出生率的迅速下降也造成了另一个重大问题,即“aging population”. By 2020, 中国 will be adding 10 million elderly to its population demographics each year while simultaneously losing 7 million working-age adults (Jackson, 7). While many developed countries are also undergoing this transition as families decide to have fewer children, these countries are much wealthier than 中国; this is known as 中国’s “早衰问题”. In the 1960’s, only 7% of the population was elderly, however, now the percentage of elderly Chinese is roughly 33%. Similarly, in 1960 the median 年龄 was 20, however, 中国 has now surpassed America in “age” with a median 年龄 of 47 (Jackson, 8-9). The main issue with this “prematurely” 人口老龄化 is a lack of available funds to support these people. Currently, only government workers and employees of state-owned companies receive any sort of pension from the government, which is roughly only 31% of the population of elderly Chinese.

While the traditional family structure of sons supporting parents has been successful since the Song Dynasty, the One Child Policy is creating a strain on the system. Urban couples may attempt to support both sets of parents, however this creates a financial burden on the family. This problem is commonly referred to as the 4:2:1 phenomenon, meaning that increasing numbers of couples will be solely responsible for the care of one child and four parents. In the past, parents could rely on multiple sons to support themselves in old 年龄; however, many rural families without sons are left with no children to care for them. Without government help, this creates a major social issue.

通过重组独生子女政策来创建“Two Child Policy”, many of the social problems created by the current policy will be solved. The 两个孩子的政策 would encourage families to have one child with positive incentives such as better housing, but limit families to two children. Rural families would be allowed two children, but then would be allowed to “try again for a boy” if the first two children are female. Finally, the 两个孩子的政策 would place no limit on ethnic minorities. The 两个孩子的政策 would not only solve the 4-2-1 problem, but would also reduce the gender disparity gap. The preference for sons in the countryside is an issue that is deeply engrained in Chinese culture and history; now, the 两个孩子的政策 will work to combat the gender disparity through practical means. If families in the countryside must produce two female children before they are allowed to “try again for a boy”,这将有助于增加社会中的女性人数。

While families in the city would be allowed two children with the 两个孩子的政策, studies show that over one third of Chinese families in major cities are satisfied with one child. This change in beliefs can be seen by the National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Survey, which states that 35 percent of the urban women questioned preferred having only one child, 57 percent preferred having two children, but very few women (an average of 5.8 percent) wanted more than two (Hesketh et al). Even in areas like 西藏, where most couples are permitted to have three children, 65 percent of the women wanted only one or two children.

除了“两个孩子的政策”外,还必须采取其他步骤来缩小性别差距并帮助老龄人口。虽然“两个孩子”政策将解决4-2-1问题,并增加女性人口,但不能解决农村对儿子的实际需要。通过在中国实施社会保障制度,对儿子的实际关注不再那么紧迫。随着政府照顾老年人口,家庭生男孩的压力将减少。让中国家庭生育更多孩子也将解决“早衰问题”。随着越来越多的年轻成年人口,社会上将有更多的工作成员通过社会保障税为退休人口做出贡献。儿子的偏好是一个可根深蒂固的问题,可以追溯到公元前500年儒学开始时,通过社会保障来支持老年人口,这减轻了农村家庭的许多实际担忧以及城市夫妇支持的压力。父母双方

参考文献

  1. 赫斯克斯,特蕾丝,李露和朱维星。“The Effect of 中国’s One-

25年后的儿童家庭政策。” 新英格兰医学杂志 353.11(2005):1171-176。打印。

  1.  理查德·杰克逊。等。等“中国的维度’s Aging Challenge.”

中国’退休改革的长征 4.22(2009):7-17。打印。

  1.  Skalla Nicole. M .”China’独生子女政策:非法儿童与家庭

规划法;” 30国际布鲁克杂志 (2004):329-55。 海因在线。网络。

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关于里歇尔

Expat, traveler, and spicy food lover, I've spent the last few years living in 中国 and traveling around Asia. In my spare time I enjoy salsa dancing, exploring night markets and stuffing my face with street food.

5 评论 on “独生子女政策:朋友还是敌人?

  1. 里歇尔, I have often wondered about the one-child policy in 中国 and its effects on the Chinese people. Hadn’t意识到了它可能产生的许多问题,因此我非常感谢对它的更多了解。谢谢。露丝

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